The concept of national identity

The concept of national identity In recent years, due to the expansion of modernism and modernisation on a global scale, there have been developments at cultural and structural levels, resulting in a change in national identity and making the study of nationalism and national identity an important topic in social science. These studies are often concerned with the complex and contradictory nature of cultural identities and the role of communications media in the development and reconfiguration of those identities. This essay will attempt to define the terms nation and national identity and discuss how far these concepts relate directly to geographical location and/or political boundaries. It will look at the relationship between the media and national identity and explore its extensiveness and what it means for the concept of national identity itself. Additionally, the issue of whether national identities are real or perceived will be addressed as well as whether the concept, or indeed, the experience of national identity is a media-dependent phenomenon. Other issues that will be discusses include the elements that may contribute to an individuals sense of national identity and what an absence of (national) media would mean for the concept of national identity and the sense of belonging to a particular nation. Many scholars would agree that the concepts of nation, nationality and nationalism have all proved difficult to define and analyse. Anderson (1991) notes that while nationalism has had significant influence on the modern world, plausible theory about it is conspicuously meagre (p.54). Seton-Watson (1997) concludes that while no scientific definition of the nation can be devised, the phenomenon has existed and exists (p.5). Even Nairn (1975) remarks that the theory of nationalism represents Marxisms great historical failure. But even this confession is somewhat misleading, in so far as it can be taken to imply the regrettable outcome of a long, self-conscious search for theoretical clarity (p. 3). Although there is little consensus regarding the forces responsible for its manifestation, most theorists on nationalism believe it to be an essentially modern phenomenon, appearing in the late eighteenth century in Europe and North America. Three theorists stand out in the genealogical debate over nationalism. Hobsbawm (1990) defined nationalism as the popular realisation of political rights in a sovereign state. A populace linked itself to a limited national territory and was embodied through a centralised government, an event he believed first occurred during the French Revolution. If nationalism was a modern invention, so were nations: the nation-state was the result, rather than the origin, of a nationalist discourse (Hobsbawm, 1990, p.28). Gellner (1983) adopted an economically reductionist approach, deeming nationalism a necessary function of industrialisation. He argued that because industry required skilled labour, a common vernacular, and high rates of literacy, the need developed for a national high culture promoted by a state run educational system. Simultaneously, the old agrarian order faded away and societal anonymity replaced provincial distinctness, facilitating the creation of a homogeneous national cul ture. Like Hobsbawm, Gellner sought to dispel teleological notions of the nation as eternal and reiterated that national was a modern invention, created in response to the needs of a new economic system, even it represented itself as a natural, historical phenomenon. The theory of the nation as invention was taken further by Anderson (1983), who saw nationalism as a process of imagining communities. Nation-states are imagined because members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow-members, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each live the image of their communion (Anderson, 1983, p.15). He argued that the decline of universal religious paradigms and the rise in print capitalism allowed for this cultural construction to flourish in eighteenth century. The mass consumption of newspapers and novels enforced a common vernacular, linked a populace to urban centres, and encouraged common participation in a shared imagined culture. Anderson (1983) implied that the reformation of the printing press did more to encourage nationalism than did the advent of industrialisation. Despite their differences, all three of these prominent theoreticians identified nationalism, and by association the nation-state, as a phenomenon of the last few centuries. It has therefore been suggested that time, is not the most useful tool for categorising nationalism or national identity. While nationalism is dependent on a variety of historical factors, it has been noted that national identity cannot be labelled as embryonic nationalism because not all national identities function within nations. Estel (2002) describes national identity as a special case of collective identity: This does not mean an objective, i.e. systemic, connection built by human beings, but its interpretation by the members of that collective hence it must be socially shared, the binding knowledge being the key factor. National identity then means a socially shared and binding knowledge in the form of an officially prevailing conception of itself in a certain nation being imparted through certain institutions (p.108). As many have asserted to, the concept of national identity is complex, and its intensity, character and origins vary with time and place. Smith (1991) argues that identity operates on two levels, the individual and the collective which are often confused in discussions of ethnic and national identity. Collective identities are composed of individual members they are not reducible to an aggregate of individuals sharing a particular cultural trait. Similarly, from a description of the elements one cannot read off the probable actions and dispositions of individual members, only the kinds of contexts and constraints within which they operate (p.130). He adds that the broadest subtype of collective cultural identities is the ethnie or ethnic community. Connor (1993) agrees: If we look at todays countries, many of them seem to build their perceived internal similarity on a premise of shared ethnicity. A subconscious belief in the groups separate origin and evolution is an important ingredient of national psychology. This belief in the groups separate origin and evolution is the basis of ethnic identity, and ethnic identity seems to constitute the core of nations (p.377). Ethnic communities are characterised by a perception of similarity among members, stemming from a perception of kinship (a blood relationship), and a simultaneous perception of difference from other ethnic communities (Eriksen, 1993, p.12). They have a common collective name, a collective historical memory, common cultural traits, a homeland, a myth of common descent, and a strong sense of internal solidarity. This element of fictive kinship, which is at the heart of ethnic affiliation, is also at the heart of feelings of nationhood (Smith, 1991, pp. 21-22). As Connor (1993) suggests, it is not what is but what people perceive as is which determines the extent of national feeling. The nation-as-a-family metaphor is not a rational feeling, but rather an emotive one; it is a bond beyond reason appealing not to the brain but to the blood (Connor, 1993, p.384). Das and Harindranath (2006) suggests that even in the absence of an ethnically homogenous population, nations rely on the idea o f an over arching ethnic bond to emphasise the difference from non-members and to join all members into a national community (p.11). National identity, to whatever degree it exists, is constituted by the interlacing forces of history and collective choice (Parekh, 1994). It is a dynamic structure of affiliation, with strong foundations in the past but susceptible to change in the future. Nations base their claim to statehood on assumptions of a shared cultural heritage, which are in turn most often based on assumptions of shared ethnicity. The latter assumption has less to do with a reality of common ethnicity than with a myth of common ethnicity which is cast over multi-ethnic communities to turn them into politicised national communities (Das and Harindranath, 2006, p.12). Most modern nation states are multi-ethic, making it difficult to define one unified conception of national identity among all members. Throughout the early modern period, the character and intensity of national identity varied widely from place to place. The idea of the unity of a nation-state could come either from its cultural or political unity. Sixteenth and seventeenth century Europe was the location of the formation of nation states. In England, France, Spain and Sweden, the dominant ethnic community incorporated outlaying regions and ethnicities into a dominant ethnic culture through the use of bureaucratic, centralised state machinery. Employing fiscal, judicial, military and administrative processes it welded together often disparate populations into a single ethnic community based on the cultural heritage of the dominant core (Smith, 1991, p.68). This is what Smith (1991) identifies the dominant ethnie model which is present in countries like Burma where the dominant Burmese ethnic community has heavily influenced the formation and the nature of the state of Burma (now known as Myanmar), rather than the Ka ren, Shan or Mon ethnic groups. Other cultures continue to flourish but the identity of the emerging political community is shaped by the historic culture of its dominant ethnie. The construction of the nation here becomes a process of reconstructing the ethnic core and integrating the culture with the requirements of the modern state and with the aspirations of minority communities. Non-dominant cultures are then relegated to the position of minority cultures (Smith, 1991, pp.110-111). Smith (1991) also notes that there are some multi-ethnic states where discrepancy in inter-ethnic power is marginal enough to allow for a state along the lines of the supra-ethnic model, where the emphasis is on political rather cultural unity (p. 112). However, Das and Harindranath (2006) states the success of this model is debatable as representative examples are few and far between (p.13). Such cases might include the Nigerian case, where the attempt to build a supra-ethnic state resulted in the concentration of power in the hands of three major ethic groups (out of the existing 250 groups) rather than any one. As Connor (1993, p.375) argues, a people who are politically and culturally pre-eminent in a state (even though other groups are present in significant numbers) tend to equate the entire country with their own ethnic homeland, and to perceive the state as an extension of their particular ethnic group. Oommen (1990) suggests that once a multi-ethnic or poly-ethnic state emer ges it becomes a reality-in-itself. The coexistence and interaction between the different nations or ethnic groups produce certain emergent properties which give a new meaning and a collective self-identification to the constituent units (p.35). This collective self-identification of a people with a nation-state according to Das and Harindranath (2006) is their national identity. Tying a nation together is a deep network of common institutions: a military, a common economy, a common legal system, a common administrative infrastructure, and a variety of shared institutions transport, communications, public utilities and banks among others. At a more visible level are the overt makers of national identity, the political symbols that set one nation-state apart from others: a name, flag, national emblem, national language, common currency (p. 16). These are invented traditions which soon acquire the feel of antiquity but are in fact usually of recent origin (Hobsbawn and Ranger, 1983). The formation of such identification involves dimensions of unity and permanence (Melucci, in Schlesinger, 1991, p.154). The latter suggests that the nation has to be seen as persisting through time, well into the past and future; it has to be seen as beyond time (Connor, 1993, p.382). Such an imagining of the nation as beyond time, according to Das and Harindranath (2006) takes national identity partly into the realm of non-rational, making it an emotional identification rather than an intellectual one. The issue of creating certain uniformity within nation-states and the process of nation-building then comes to the forefront and most nations look to the media to play its part in the construct of a national culture and a national community. Why the media? Das and Harindranath (2006) explains that considering how much of our knowledge of the world comes from mediated communication, either through people or through the mass media, this is likely to be a primary source of influence on our structures of identification since we cannot accomplish very abstract levels of identification (as with a nation-state) by exclusive reliance on our own direct lived experience or face to face communication of others (p.18). Media have typically been institutional products of nations and, as such, play a fundamental role in their maintenance (Anderson, 1983, pp. 24-25). In most countries national broadcasting in the early forms (especially before its commercialisation, when it could not afford the str atification of its audience), has made possible the transformations of individual activities (dramas, performances, etc) into fictions of collective national life for millions of individuals who may never interact with one another. It is a fact that nation-states must have a measure of common culture and civic ideology, a set of common understandings and aspirations, sentiments and ideas that bind the population together in their homeland. The major agencies through which this socialisation is carried out are the mass education system and the mass media (Smith, 1991, p.11). Das and Harindranath (2006) notes: National identity has been an underlying theme in communications research since the 1950s, when new technologies were linking the world with their ever-increasing reach into diverse global populations. At that time, these technologies were held up as a panacea for the ills of underdevelopment researchers such as Schramm and Lerner eagerly endorsed the view that judicious deployment of Western media products in the Third World would help bring to them the benefits of western progress and development (p.18). Sreberny (2008) points out, this idea and model of development was criticised for equating development with the West. The media/cultural imperialism theory, which gained impetus from such criticism, argues that the excessive flow of media products from West to East of from North to South leads to the erosion of national cultures in the non-Western world, resulting eventually in a homogenised world in the image of the west. Melucci (1989) disagreed with this theory as well: To simply be aware of something is not to identify with it; identification comes from the making of an emotional investment, an investment which enables a group of people to recognise themselves in each other, and to feel a similarity with other members of a group. In addition to being aware of the existence of nation-states therefore, I must also be aware that there are many of them, that the one I live in is different from the others, and that I belong to a particular one because of my similarity with others of that nation-state. I can then be said to possess a national identity. My identity is therefore not just Indian but equally not French, not Thai (p.17). Today, national media are participating in the two processes of national identity building. Firstly, as tellers of national myths, (especially in times of crises, rapid social change or external threat), as engravers of national symbols upon the nations memory, and presenters of national rituals (elections, celebrations, etc), they work in the direction of emphasising the similarities among the group members. For media producers, the prominence of national identity in the media content is encouraged by the knowledge that they are constructing news for a national audience with which they share national membership (Entman, 1991; Rivenburgh, 1999). Secondly, as a primary domain of the public sphere, the media produce and reinforce the relational opposition of us and the others. One of the areas of media content to which such nationalist discourse today is very high, is news and especially the coverage of foreign affairs. Comparative international news research shows the significant role of the media in perpetuating a world view that consistently favours the home nation perspective on world affairs (Rivenburgh, 1999). Discrepant perceptions of world affairs largely emanate from different cultural and political values held by groups with different national identities enhanced by national media coverage (Rivenburgh, 1991, p.1). The media play a significant role in collapsing the experience of distance by creating a global simultaneity, rendering events across the world into nightly news broadcast into our living rooms. Media coverage of crisis events may not only affect public opinion but may increasingly provide policy makers with vital information to determine lines of foreign policy and diplomatic initiatives (Sreberny, 2008). Additionally, At the start of the 21st century, more and more people lived in mediatised societies where our understanding of local, national and international political, economic and cultural issues is framed by and through the media and other cultural industries. While we need to be wary of collapsing cultural issues into technological developments, it is nonetheless true that the global spread of media has raised a host of new questions about our identities, about our relations with others and about our understanding of the world (Sreberny, 2008, p.10). One prominent pattern that emerges in the images of nationhood is the definition of national and anti-national by the media, the normal and abnormal, the good and the bad. Such delineation is important especially in nation states characterised by diversity (Das and Harindranath, 2006, p.19). Scannell and Cardiff (1991) illustrate such a definition in the British case showing how the BBC treated British music as essentially synonymous with English music while the music of Scotland, Wales and Ireland was marginalised. This case clearly illustrated how the media contribute to the articulation of the identity of the dominant ethnic group in a multi-ethnic nation-state. New forms of communications and media such as the internet have made it possible for those individuals living outside of their respective nations to still maintain a sense of national identity. The internet can be a very important vehicle for the transmission of ideas concerning a national identity, particularly for those people who have lost or left their homeland. The internet provides a special type of community with a very strong common feeling national communities without a nation. People scattered all over the world regardless of they are from still have succeeded in maintaining a national identity without a nation state. While this used to take place in physical places, the internet and other forms of new media offers different possibilities for these communities, for they can now organise worldwide, reach new members and communicate with these members more often. The websites visited and used by these communities form more than a virtual nation. Their aim is to construct a true nation and it is done by presenting users with sites that are as complete and historic as possible as all varieties of news and information can be found on the internet. The mass media thus engender a we-feeling, a feeling of family, among the community, providing continual opportunities for identification with the na tion. The media enable entire populations to participate in the everyday life of a country-wide community, uniting individual members of the national family into a shared political and cultural rubric (Chaney, 1998, p. 249). It is equally important to note that agencies of socialisation such as the media can also be harnessed to divisive purposes which might have the consequence of impeding the construction of a national identity or of undermining the force of one or more elements of the symbolic repertoire of nationalistic ideology (Das and Harindranath, 2006, p.19). In some cases, nationalist views and provocative views have provoked some of the worlds worst massacres. One such example is when RTLM (the Hutu radio/television station in Rwanda) played an inciting and aggravating role in the massacre of the Tutsis by repeatedly broadcasting messages in which Tutsis were slandered and ridiculed and depicted as despicable. On another continent, media in former Yugoslavia have played a significant role in creating an environment of ethnic hate and xenophobia that contributed towards the pre-conditions for savage ethnic wars. While these may be extreme cases, the simple fact of establishing the homogenising tendency of national media is not an adequate base from which to conclude that audiences are homogenised and that advocacy does not always med acceptance. In cases where the national image promoted by the media is not accepted it does meet with resistance from sections of the populations. While some resistance is severe as in the cases of Rwanda and Yugoslavia other populations use organised forms of resistance where the groups in a nation state who are not part of mainstream culture find peaceful ways of asserting their own identities. One such example is the Ernabella Video and Television (EVTV) project in Australia. It was established by leaders of the Ernabella aboriginal community in 1983 as a video project intended to record the local culture, which was fading away with the decline of their previously nomadic lifestyle. It was also a reaction to outside media which local leaders saw as a negative influence on their community. EVTV developed into a television channel by which aboriginals recorded and rediscovered their culture, and it simultaneously enabled them to construct a pan-aboriginal identity among the dispersed aboriginal populations of Australia. It was the discovery and assertion of ethnic aboriginal identity which they actively used to reduce the pote ntial homogenisation influence of mainstream Australian culture depicted on national television (Batty, 1993). Another form of resistance is through readings where the argument here is that media audiences interact with media texts in extremely complex ways. Studies have uncovered significant differences in the way audiences from different backgrounds produce diverse readings of an episode of a soap opera, suggesting that social identities affect interpretation of media messages (Ang, 1990). Media texts can therefore no longer be thought of as binding each member of the audience evenly into a particular interpretation; the meaning of the text, rather, is open to negotiation between the text and the viewer. Differences in interpretation are not, however, the result of a failure of communication, but are rather the results of differences in the lived experiences and mental words of audiences. Where cultural realities are different, there is a likelihood of different interpretations (Jensen, 1987, p.31). In conclusion, although the established literature lacks firm evidence of individual level media effects it nevertheless suggests with some confidence that there is a strong, positive tie between media consumption and individual level national belonging. Drawing largely on historical and textual analysis methods, the claim has been established that the media have been foundational over the past three centuries in the shaping, distribution and institutionalisation of identities. The classic texts on nationalism repeatedly argue that the media have played a key role in nation building and that the idea of a one-culture-for-all does not work and attempts at enculturation of diverse people into a mainstream culture are inevitably resisted through social movements at the peripheries of the mainstream (Das and Harindranath, 2006, p.21). Martin- Barbero (1993) further suggests that communication is a field in which these battles over identity are fought out. The media is therefore the site where states explore routes to uniformity within their nations and are simultaneously the site which assists non-mainstream groups to explore and announce their distinctiveness.

Reconciling Religious and Scientific Perspectives of Creation Essay

Reconciling Religious and Scientific Perspectives of Creation â€Å"In the beginning was the big bang,†[i] writes John Polkinghorne, a physicist turned theologian. As the reader follows through the remainder of his cosmic creation story, the reader is intrigued at how mystical and religious the story sounds. â€Å"The space boiled, in the rapid expansion of the inflation era, blowing the universe apart with incredible rapidity in the much less than 10-30 seconds that it lasted. . . . The world suddenly became transparent and a universal sea of radiation was left to continue cooling on its own . . .†[ii] Then, the story unfolds to tell of the creation of hydrogen and helium and the creation of stars. The death of stars follow, which in turn gives rise to conditions that are favorable for the formation of life.[iii] Though seemingly mystical, the story of the cosmic creation is also the epitome of logic. As we rewind the story of creation, we see a definite causal link between one event and another. Why do we have life? Because we have carbon. Why do we have carbon? Because of the chemical reaction in stars. Why do we have the chemical reactions in stars? Because . . . and this chain will continue, explaining one phenomenon as an effect of another. The story is in fact the triumph of human reason. However, if we rewind the story long enough, we find ourselves reaching a dead end – â€Å"In the beginning was the big bang.† A beginning is where there is no before. However, how can something be when there is no prior? The question of the origin is further complicated when we see how finely tuned the universe is. For the emergence of life, the universe had to have initial conditions at the point of origin ... ... with a whole number amount of spin (as opposed to half a spin). [xxxviii] Ferris, Coming of Age in the Milky Way, pp. 354-353. [xxxix] Polkinghorne, The Faith of a Physicist, p. 75. [xl] Ferris, Coming of Age in the Milky Way, p. 351. [xli] Ferris, The Whole Shebang, p. 224. [xlii] Greene, pp. 357-358. [xliii] Ibid., p. 358. Brian Greene then says that Brandenberger and Vafa verified this phenomenon through detailed calculations. [xliv] Ibid. [xlv] Ibid., p. 362. The Nugget that gave rise to our universe is one of the many nuggets that were formed in prehistory of our universe. This theory is still a speculation and is not widely accepted like the string theory. Therefore, the theory about the cosmic prehistory should be taken as a possible solution and not as the definite answer. [xlvi] Found in Davies, p. 148. [xlvii] Davies, p. 232.

Personal Narrative- Living Life on the Edge :: Personal Perspective

Personal Narrative- Living Life on the Edge Heart racing, palms clammy, stuttering with nervousness. All things that usually don’t describe one’s favorite thing in the world, however in my case those are the common symptoms for my favorite way to relax in the world, adrenaline rushes. Anything that puts you so close to death you could touch it, but still hang on to a thread of life to pull yourself back up with. It sounds immature and irresponsible, I know, but don’t judge until you’ve tried, and I could never describe the rush and the complete whole, peaceful state of meditation adrenaline rushes put me in that makes all the danger in the world entirely worth it. It was late afternoon in early July and the most clear day ever conceived. I spent most of the day hiking on a mountain in North Carolina, surprisingly not sweating all that bad, but growing impatient of when â€Å"paradise† would place itself in front of me as promised. Every time I asked I got a clone answer â€Å"soon†. Alright soon but define soon, soon could mean different things right? Wrong! Right as the last breath of my question left my mouth it fell in front of me , Paradise. Well, the middle of nowhere to be exact, but paradise all the same. It was the side of the mountain where a long cliff jetted out. Being the little daredevil I am I had to see more. I climbed down off the side of the mountain on to the ledge and walked to the very edge. As I walked further out it narrowed to a one foot across point. I sat down and dangled my feet and where earth was below me there was this little hidden beach with crystal blue water. Not a single footprint in the white sa nd with a soft flowing waterfall of clear water and soft gray rocks strategically placed to make up a true paradise. It was the most spectacular sight ever. It was truly the closest thing to heaven I had ever seen. I have been told that nothing is perfect, well obviously whomever said that had never been here. As I sat there with my feet dangling the pit of my stomach dropped.

Only a belief in embodied existence after death is philosophically justifiable. Discuss Essay

1- Christian belief in resurrection- outline Jesus’ resurrection after death- Link to hicks idea of the replica. 3- The only meaningful way to talk about survival after death is to say that souls can be reunited- Peter Geach 5- Characteristics and memories can be changed and falsified- Bernard William Descartes said ‘ My essence consists solely in the fact that I am a thinking thing’. This, if true, implies that our consciousness is separate from our bodies and so we must be able to exist without said bodies. This of course would then falsify the statement as disembodied life after death would be possible. Indeed, there are many who dispute this argument and one who would agree with the given statement is Bernard William who claims that characteristics and memories can be falsified. He would argue that because our memories can be lost and altered with certain drugs, accidents and illnesses such as Alzheimer’s; the main part of what makes us- us is the link between our minds and our physical form (our bodies). It would then follow that the only plausible after-death-existence would be embodied. It is the first point made by Descartes and many others which this essay will lean towards as it will be argued that disembodied existence is as philosophically plausible, if not more so than embodied. Many would claim that Christianity can be used to argue both sides of this issue. An example of where it may be used to support embodied life after death is in the resurrection stories. In Thessalonians 4, we find a much talked about quote among philosophers; ‘..Since we believe that Jesus died and rose again..through Jesus, God will bring with him those who have died.’ This verse gives us a clear idea that the early Christians believed in full, embodied resurrection. Although it is unclear as to whether or not some would have also agreed with a disembodied afterlife before judgment day and resurrection, many devout Christians only accept the embodied resurrection at the end of days. The verse tells us that at first Jesus’ followers didn’t recognise him, as he had changed somehow but the main message is of fully embodied resurrection. However, due to the complexity of the bible, it is difficult to completely understand whether or not there is a state between death and resurrection and many may feel the argument is far from philosophically justifiable. There has of course also been a long tradition of belief in disembodied afterlife. The Greek philosophy Plato believed we have separate souls which leave our bodies at death in order to join another. In the Phaedo, he recorded a response from Socrates to a question put forward by Crito; ‘In what fashion are we to bury you?’ Plato’s answer clearly shows his belief in the afterlife. It is important to understand that Plato believed in the soul because he believed innate knowledge must just be memories from previous existences. Furthermore, Plato was part of the chain of thought that says that everything has an opposite but they are always in a cycle, hot becomes cold for cold to then become hot and living things die just for new life to emerge. Believing in the cycle of opposites makes it clear why Plato would have believed in some kind of disembodied soul. Returning to the question put to Plato mentioned at the start of this argument, we see his response makes his belief in the afterlife clear. ‘He imagines that I am the dead body he will see in a little while†¦ but†¦ when I drink the poison I shall no longer remain with you, but shall go off and depart for some happy state of the blessed†¦Ã¢â‚¬â„¢ On the other hand, however, The philosopher; Peter Geach was a strong believer that any talk of life after death where the soul and body are separate is totally meaningless. Geach described the idea of a separate soul and body as a ‘savage superstition’ and he believed that the genius of Plato and Descartes had given the superstition an undeservedly long lease of life. Geach, along with many other modern philosophers argue that the idea of a separate body and soul has come from misunderstanding of scriptural language. In his book, ‘What do we think with’, Geach wrote ‘thinking is a vital activity of a man, not any part of him, material or immaterial.’ This shows quite clearly Geach believed that a human is a single entity which needs to think, rather than a body and a separate mind which just happens to have consciousness. Geach believed that the only reasonable theory of the soul was the Aristotelian idea that the soul is the form of a living body. Many would say that Geach’s argument is fairly week as there is little evidence to back it up and he seems to be ‘piggy-backing’ off other philosophers, namely; Aristotle. Reincarnation, or rebirth (afterlife in a physical form),are a key feature at the heart of Hindu beliefs. Hinduism teaches that every person has an essential ‘self’ known as an atman. They believe the Atman to be eternal and something which seeks to be united with God. Hindu’s believe that God manifests himself in the atman if each individual, and through a number of births, deaths and rebirths, the person comes to understand a relationship of the atman with God. Once this realisation of unity is reached, the atman no longer needs to continue in the cycle and so is released (moksha). For the Hindu, physical bodies are nothing more than a container for the atman, the atman which holds the persons nature. This means that after going round the cycle a few times, the atman (or soul) is released from the container and moves on to disembodied life after death. Hinduism is the oldest spiritual tradition in the world and there is evidence that it flourished long before recorded history in India which means that the idea of a separate body and soul could have been the original belief. Descartes is one of the most famous philosophers and dualists and his belief on life after death was that what makes us, us is our ability to think; our consciousness. His conceivability argument leads us to wonder whether or not we need our bodies at all. The argument was laid out with 3 steps, it begins with the premise that a thinking thing can imagine existing without a body. The argument goes onto say that anything which can be conceived is possible and from this that if X can exist without Y then X and Y aren’t identical. The result of the argument is that a thinking thing is not identical with its body and so, they must be separate. Descartes most famous quote to sum his arguments up is that ‘I think, therefore, I am’ For Descartes, being able to think about not having a body, but not being able to conceive of not thinking at all means our minds must be separate from our bodies and therefore, if we are to believe in an afterlife then there is no logical reason why our minds would die with our bodies. Many believe this Is a fantastic argument for disembodied life after death as it gets the opposition thinking about not thinking and so leaves them at a blank. I feel that the strongest argument covered in this essay is that put forward at the start and the end. For many, the fact that we cannot think of our minds not existing is a far stronger argument than that of say, Peter Geach as looking back over past scriptures is just like copying off of someone in a test who has made their answers up, we would just be looking at something which may or may not be true. While I was slightly swayed by the first argument in favour of the given statement, due to its use of past events and a tradition of belief, however in then end, I have maintained my view that it is just as philosophically feasible to think of a disembodied life after death then an embodied one., possibly more so.

Past experience to people Essay

Experience, which is the best teacher in our life to leading our behaviors and changing our mind. Culture, which is also the root for individuals values.Both of them give us lots of influence and changing our life all the times.It is hard to say which changes us the most on such a controversial question.Just like experiences lead us what to think and cultures provide us how we think. They are individually and connecting with each other.Despite our past experiences affecting the way we see the world uniquely, it is more often based on our individual cultural background. Overview Firstly, this essay will discuss the general influence to individuals of past experience Past Experience is a component which helps people gaining experience on every parts during our daily life.In the recreation activity,there is a relation between the preferences and past experience.The experienced level which has a great influence to make the choice.So that unexperienced people who do not know how to choose the suitable for entertainment and their decision will be different and wide.Experienced customers who have more specific need and their decision will be similar which is the most suitable in their past experience. Thus, more experienced people are, more specificity their entertainment chosen will be. For example,high experienced individuals in desert and mountain who has more specificity selection of the site decision than these no experienced individuals. Schreyer(1982) reported that river runners with higher experience levels stated the desired outcomes of their trips more specifically. (Watson et al., 1991) Some studies also shows that psat experience is related with site choice.They found that some more hard but no limited routed were chosen by managed users.The reason is that their experience proved them confidence and easy way to face this area.Past experience not only shown the choice detail for individuals bus also gain the knowledge about arranging their activities. In conclusion, experienced individuals whose choice specificity is stronger ,differentiation on different kinds of situation dimension is higher.The general influence of past experience is also shown in study work and all parts of our  life.Although the exciting and looking forward level is also reduced comparing with the first try.More experience brings us an efficient and suitable daily arrangement. Which is different from the influence of experience, culture is the basic background for individuals to think and control their way to solve the problems. Culture is how individuals life being, its is one of the most basic thing about human beliefï ¼Å'idea and values. Culture is different between different area, its the most important thing to effect our daily life.During the generations, humans communicate entertainment and lifestyle is always changing by the developed technology.But as the root of a nationality, culture always do not change.There is no doubt that everything I’ve talked about, thought with, every decision, belief which is closely related by my own culture. It is also important to be able to recognize and respect other cultures, and not believe one’s own culture is more valuable or superior than the rest. Sometimes issues of racism occur when people are unable to connect culturally with others. Being tolerant and understanding what other cultures value is the key for successful acceptance of one another.

Virgin Mobile Marketing Metrics

Virgin Mobile’s business model consists of several different strategies for success. On July 2002, Virgin launched its new cellular service company, mostly geared for individuals ages 15- 19. The UK-based company had plans to acquire new clientele by tapping the youth market with the following tactics: Text messaging bundles: Virgin believed text messaging was a key selling point for youth as kids would often communicate with friends or family through this medium as it was cheaper than daytime minutes and a more discrete form of communication while in class.Ring Tones: Virgin offered a large selection of favourite and popular tunes and music that could be set as your cellular ringtone. Fun Clips: Are audio clippings of new gossip, sports information, jokes and other information that teens generally have interest in and have the time to review. Other features such as Music Messenger allowed cell phone users to share their favourite music with their friends and classmates.These features appealed more to the youth market and generated additional cell phone usage (if not by using minutes) and customer loyalty. Virgin believed that these mediums would bond customers to their phones therefore creating more interest. Virgin signed contracts with several phone manufacturers such as: Kyocera, Nokia, LG and more to enable a variety of phones to choose from; each providing a different benefit that would appeal to the youth.By adding these features and targeting the 15-24 market, as well as being a contract-free cell phone provider, this generated more interest in the market because the ones under 18 would have had to use their parents to sign a contract for them in order to have a wireless device, this way, Virgin enables customers the freedom. Assuming the number of customers is 5 in year one, and retention rate is 75% the decline in customers yearly thereafter will be deducted by the same percentage.By taking the number of effective customers in 2001 and multiply ing it by retention rates we acquire the pattern or deduction. (copy and pasting the formula along the years 2002, 2003, 2004, 2005 and 2006; the five-year wireless contract). | | | | | | Retention rate was calculated by assuming the number of total customers was 100. 25 customers left to another service provider. 100-25 = 75. (75/100) *100 = 75% Retention. Tab 1 of spreadsheet Tab 2 of spreadsheet

REFLECTION ON RESEARCH AND METHODOLOGICAL CHOICES IN THREE ACADEMIC Essay

REFLECTION ON RESEARCH AND METHODOLOGICAL CHOICES IN THREE ACADEMIC ARTICLE ON THEORY OF COMPLIANCE - Essay Example This write up presents the analysis of three articles dealing with different ideas regarding customer compliance. Casabov and Da-Cuhna (2004) evaluated whether call center services are comprised of client centricity or by control of customer by employees. Dellande and Nyer (2007) studied the impact of public commitment to customer compliance, while Dellande, Gilly and Graham (2004) evaluated the providers’ role in gaining compliance. Casabov and Da-Cuhna (2004) studied two Brazilian call centres seeking to determine whether the service interfaces fortitudes were customer guided or depended on the control of employees over the customers. The enquiry adopted the use of direct surveillance and semi structured interviews to collect the information. The information was collected from managers, overseers and technicians. The researchers carried out 33 interviews and two-week observations in two call centres. The study indicated that control was extensively practiced and did not resu lt in prolonged customer dissatisfaction. Dellande, Gilly and Graham (2004) evaluated the role of service provider in ensuring compliance. They used weight loss subjects from Lindora Comprehensive Weight Control. Lindora uses a platform based on medicine to regulate weight. The program has clinics throughout southern California. Data was collected by use of questionnaires disseminated to nurses and patients, use of archival data, and interviews. The data analysis method used was the PLS structural equation method given the complex mathematical nature of the data presented. They found out that provider expertise determined client’s role clarity, which in turn affected compliance. Attitudinal homophily was a significant factor in influencing compliance. Further, they concluded that role clarity, and role ability influence compliance. Dellande and Nyer (2007) evaluated the effect of public pledge on acquiescence. The study seeks to investigate the role of open commitment in gain ing client acquiescence. The study collected data using 3 x 2 full factorial designs employing three levels of commitment. They engaged the use of median split to generate two ranks of SNI (low and high). The subjects were drawn from an online marketing introductory course. 102 students participated but 96 completed the study. The researchers evaluated the effect of an open declaration to conserve paper on the students’ continued conservation of papers during the term. The researchers found out that people who made an open declaration to conserve papers conserved more papers that those who made private declarations and those who did not make any pledge. Further, those who made private declaration conserved more than those who did not make any pledges. Part two: Methodological evaluation of the articles Casabov and Da-Cuhna (2004): Employee Control in Call Centers The methodology employed in the article tackling the call centers service deliveries in two Brazilian call centers employed the use of exposed surveillance, where the researcher were strategically placed to view the reactions of the customers for two weeks. The study also engaged the use of semi-structured questionnaires to 33 employees of the two call centers. The respondents included call centers managers, their supervisors and the operative staff members. The sample size in qualitative researches has been debated by various scholars in an attempt to identify the ideal size. Stead, Struwig and Struwig (2001, p.